Silvio Berlusconi Sound listen? (born September 29, 1936 in Milan) is
the current Prime Minister of Italy and is the leader of the Forza
Italia political movement, a party which was established for his entry
into politics.
Berlusconi served as Prime Minister for a short term in 1994. In 2001
he was appointed to the office again; the second Berlusconi government
is the longest-lasting in Italy's republican history. On April 20, 2005
Berlusconi tendered the resignation of his government after recent
losses in regional elections and internal problems in his coalition,
but on April 23, 2005 he formed a new government without many changes.
He is also the owner and founder of an Italian media empire. According
to Forbes Magazine, Silvio Berlusconi is Italy's richest person, with
personal assets worth in excess of US$10 billion in 2004, at the time
making him the world's 30th richest person [1].
He is also the President of European Football Club A.C Milan
Early years
Berlusconi was born in an upper middle-class family in Milan; his
father Luigi worked at a small bank, Banca Rasini, of which he became
general manager in the 1960s before retiring. Silvio was the first of
three children, the others being Maria Antonietta (born 1943) and Paolo
(born 1949), now both entrepreneurs. Silvio takes special pride in that
his father started his career in Rasini as an employee and left as
general manager.
After completing his secondary school education at a Salesian college,
studied law at the Università Statale in Milan, graduating in 1961.
Berlusconi, did not serve the standard one-year stint in the army which
was compulsory at the time. The reason for this is unknown.
Berlusconi's business career began in the construction business in the
1960s. His first entry into the media world was by means of a cable
television station, Telemilano, designed to service his Milano 2
residential development. Soon afterward, he formed his first media
group, Fininvest, and from there he expanded to a country wide network
of local TV stations which would all broadcast the same materials,
forming, in effect, a single national station. This was illegal at the
time, since Italian law reserved the monopoly of TV broadcasting to the
public television. In 1980 he founded Italy's first private national
network Canale 5, shortly followed by Italia 1 bought from The Rusconis
(1982) and Rete 4 (1984) bought from Mondadori. A strong help to his
successful effort to create the first and only Italian commercial TV
empire is due to his link with Bettino Craxi, at that time the
secretary-general of Italian Socialist Party and the prime minister of
Italy. For many years, the three TV channels owned by Berlusconi were
not allowed to broadcast news and political commentary, yet they formed
the main alternative to the three State-owned channels Rai Uno, Rai Due
and Rai Tre. Only in the 1990's was the government monopoly on
information ended.
In 1995, Berlusconi sold a portion of his media holdings, first to the
German media group Kirch (now bankrupt) and then by public floatation.
In 1999 Berlusconi expanded again in the media business in a
partnership with Kirch called the Epsilon MediaGroup.
Berlusconi's main group, called Mediaset, comprises three national
television channels, which hold approximately 45% of the national
viewing audience; and Publitalia, the leader Italian advertising and
publicity agency; Berlusconi also owns Mondadori, the largest Italian
publishing house which publishes Panorama, a news magazine; he has
interests in cinema and home video distribution firms (Medusa and
Penta), insurance and banking (Mediolanum) and a variety of other
activities. His brother controls Il Giornale, and his wife Il foglio,
both center-right newspapers which print a lot fewer daily copies then
the more popular "Corriere della Sera" and "La Repubblica".
Berlusconi also owns the football club AC Milan which some think has
been an important factor in the success of his political career ("Forza
Italia" means "Go Italy!", a slogan often used as a football chant [2]).
[edit]
Political career
In the early 1990s, the two largest Italian majority Parties, the
Christian Democrats (DC) and the Socialist Party (PSI) lost much of
their electoral strength due to a large number of judicial accusations
of corruption for their foremost members (see the Mani Pulite affair).
This led to the expectation that elections would be won by the
Democratic Party of the Left (PDS), (the former Communist Party (PCI)
and the main opposition party) unless there was a strong alternative:
Berlusconi decided to enter politics on a platform centered on the
defeat of communism.
Berlusconi founded Forza Italia only two months before the 1994
elections; he formed two separate electoral alliances, with Lega Nord
(Northern League) in northern Italy colleges, and with Alleanza
Nazionale (National Alliance) in the center and south; he launched a
massive campaign of electoral spots on his three TV networks and he won
the elections, with Forza Italia ranking first party with 21% of
popular vote. He was appointed Prime Minister in 1994, but his term in
office was short because of the inherent contradictions in his
coalition, between Lega Nord, a regional party with a strong electoral
base in northern Italy, which was at that time oscillating between
federalist and separatist positions, and Alleanza Nazionale, a
nationalist party which had only recently dropped references to fascist
ideology and symbols.
From the beginning, Italian public opinion was divided: from the left,
the new entry of Berlusconi was seen as an attempt, by a star of the
old policy corruption system to bring it on despite of all the
accusations and evidences. From the right, Berlusconi was hailed as the
"new man" that would have saved the country from the communist horde,
bringing the public bureaucracy to new efficiency and reforming the
state top to bottom. Others have claimed that his entry was rather
designed to help him avoid the bankruptcy of his companies due to large
amounts of debt [3].
In December 1994, Lega Nord left the coalition claiming that the
electoral pact had not been respected, forcing Berlusconi to resign
from office and moving the majority's weight to the centre-left side.
The coalition of opposition parties (now including Lega Nord) then
replaced him. In 1996, the ad-interim coalition formed by Lega Nord and
centre-left was replaced, after a new election, by a centre-leftist
government (without Lega Nord) led by Romano Prodi. [4]
Silvio Berlusconi, Romano Prodi, António Vitorino and Jan Peter Balkenende
Enlarge
Silvio Berlusconi, Romano Prodi, António Vitorino and Jan Peter Balkenende
In 2001 Berlusconi again ran as leader of the centre-right coalition
Casa delle Libertà (House of Freedoms) which includes Alleanza
Nazionale, CCD (Christian Democrats), Lega Nord and other parties. His
success in this election led to him becoming Prime Minister once more,
with the coalition receiving 45.4% of the vote for the Chamber of
Deputies (Italian's Lower House), and 42.5% for the Senate-House
(Italian's Upper House).
Casa delle Libertà has done less well in the 2003 local elections in
comparison with the 2001 national elections, and, in common with many
other European governing groups, in the 2004 elections of the European
Parliament, gaining 43.37% support. Forza Italia's support also reduced
from 29.5% to 21.0% (in the 1999 European elections Forza Italia had
25.2%). As an outcome of these results the other coalition parties,
whose electorals results were more satisfactory, asked Berlusconi and
Forza Italia for more influence in the government's political line.
In the last local elections (April 3 & 4 2005), the opposition The
Union (formerly known as Olive Tree) won easily 12 of 14 regions where
there was a vote; Berlusconi's coalition held in only two regions
(Lombardy and Veneto). Two parties (UDC and NPSI) left the Berlusconi
government. Berlusconi thus presented to the President of the Republic
the dissolution of his government on April 20, 2005, after much
hesitation. On April 23 he formed a new government with the same
allies, but with some changes in the ministers and in the program. A
key point required by UDC (and to a minor extent by AN) was to reduce
the focus on tax reduction the government had had, because this was
considered incompatible with Italy's financial situation.
There have been harsh criticisms on Berlusconi's choices: the ministry
of Health, previously occupied by Girolamo Sirchia, a famous doctor,
has been given to Francesco Storace, who, only a few weeks earlier,
lost the regional elections in Latium. Another controversial move was
the nomination of Giulio Tremonti as Vice-Prime Minister. Tremonti had
been the Minister of Economy just few years earlier, but was forced to
resign. He is strongly supported by Lega Nord, but opposed by UDC and
AN.
[edit]
Policies
As he founded his Forza Italia party and entered politics, Berlusconi
claimed to believe in "freedom, person (the individual), family,
enterprise, Italian tradition, Christian tradition and love for weaker
people" [5]. Forza Italia could be considered a liberal party, although
references to liberalism were more common in the initial years of the
party development than are now; some consider Forza Italia a populist
party. However, Forza Italia officially joined the European People's
Party in 1999, theoretically choosing to be identified mainly as a
Christian Democratic party. Internal democracy in the party is very low
and internal dissent virtually nonexistent. There are no known factions
or currents; at present three party conventions have been held, all of
them resolved in a Berlusconi showdown, and his re-election by
acclamation. Every man in the party apparatus is appointed by
Berlusconi himself: for all these reasons, its political opponents call
Forza Italia "the plastic party".
Some allies of Berlusconi, especially Lega Nord (Northern League) push
for a strong control of immigration and getting their support has
required some changes in policies from Berlusconi. Berlusconi himself
has shown some reluctance to pursue such policies as strongly as his
allies might like. [6] Even so, a number of measures have been taken,
but the effects are controversial. The government, after introducing a
controversial immigration law (the "Bossi-Fini", from the names of Lega
Nord and Alleanza Nazionale leaders) is searching for the cooperation
of both European and other mediterranean countries to face the
emergency of the large number of immigrants trying to reach Italian
coasts on old and overloaded ferries and fishing boats, risking (and,
often, losing) their life.
The Berlusconi government has had a strong tendency to support American
foreign policies despite the policy divide between the U.S. and many
other founding members of European Union (Germany, France, Belgium), a
break from the traditional Italian foreign policy. Italy, with
Berlusconi in office, became a substantial ally to the United States of
America in 2003 as Berlusconi supported the American/British-led Iraq
War to oust the regime of Saddam Hussein.
Berlusconi, in his meetings with United Nations Secretary-General Kofi
Annan and U.S. President George W. Bush, said that he pushed for "a
clear turnaround in the Iraqi situation" and for a quick hand-over of
sovereignty to the government chosen by the U.N. Italy has some 2,700
troops deployed in Southern Iraq, the third largest contingent there
after the American and British forces.
The government confirms the agenda to reduce taxes and simplify the
taxation system for both privates and enterprises (Berlusconi himself
engaged personally during his electoral campaign). The opposition
claims these programs are not realistic in the present economic trend.
The EU Commission also pushes for a strict budget control, to meet the
European mandatory standards. It must be noted the Italian State has
historically a large debt (at the present time 106% of GDP) whose cost
heavily burdens the annual budgets.
A key point of the government program is the planned reform of the
Constitution, an issue the coalition parties themselves initially had
significantly different opinions about, with Lega Nord insisting on the
federal reform (devolution of more power to the Regions) as the
condition itself for remaining in the coalition; Alleanza Nazionale
pushing for the so-called "strong premiership" (more powers to the
executive), meant as a counterweight to the federal reform, to preserve
the State unity; UDC asking for an electoral law not damaging small
parties (more proportional) and being generally more willing to find a
compromise with the moderate wing of the opposition. Difficulties in
arranging a mediation caused some internal unrest in the Berlusconi
government in 2003, but then they were mostly overcome and the law
(comprising power devolution to the regions, Federal Senate, "strong
premiership" and to be complemented with a new electoral law) was
passed by the Senate in April 2004; it was slightly modified by the
Chamber of Deputies in October 2004, and now is in process of being
examined by the Senate again. Its final date of approvation is
projected to be around July 2005, and, if passed, will then be subject
of a popular referendum (necessary in the Italian law for
constitutional reforms which don't meet a two thirds majority).
Legislative actions
Berlusconi's government passed many pieces of legislation. Within the
2001-2003 period, the government issued: 332 bills, 184 approved laws
and 148 halfway.
Among the most far-reaching legislative actions and reforms attempted by the second Berlusconi government were:
* The reform of the labour system, strongly opposed by labor unions,
* The reform of the school system,
* The law on large public works (MOSE project saving
city of Venice, High speed railways Turin-Milan-Florence-Rome-Naples
and Turin-Verona-Venice, Bridge between Sicily and Italy, underground
in Rome, Parma, Naples, Turin, Milan, a strong modernisation of
Highways and Water structures in South of Italy, project "Highways on
the sea", etc. )
* The federalist reform, with the end of "Perfect
equivalence between Chamber and senate", now at the parliament
* The reform of Juctice
* Abolition of Donation and succession taxes
* The support of US foriegn politics, in Afghanistan and Iraq
* The abolition of military service for all male italians (only volunteers from 2004)
* The reform of rules regarding drivers' licenses,
which (according to the Italian police department) led to a 14.5%
decrease in car accidents, or an 18.5% decrease of lethal car accidents.
* The anti-smoke campaign with the prohibition of
smoking in offices, pubs, restaurants and other public places, which
came into effect in January 2005.
* The law regulating assisted fertilization,
actually banning free research on staminal cells, pre-implant
diagnosis, and "eterogal" fertilization, forcing women into being
implanted after the embryo creation, recognising embryo as a rights
bearer. The abrogation of the most controversial items has been the
object of an unsuccessful popular referendum called in June 2005 by
left wing parties, including Radicals, Left-Wing Democrats, Socialists,
Communists.
In a controversial move, the Berlusconi government also presented a new
media reform legislation. Among other things, such legislation
increased the maximum limit on an individual's share of the media
market, allowing Berlusconi to retain control of his three national TV
channels. The legislation also enabled the roll-out of digital
television and internet based publishing, and hence his government
claimed it resolved the problem of conflict of interest and his media
monopoly "by opening up more channels". The law was initially vetoed by
the President of the Republic, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, on charges of
being anti-constitutional, but it was then forced into law by the
Parliament.
The new pensions' law, issued on July 2004, raised the minimim age for
retirement and added incentives for delayed retirement. In Italy the
pensions system is facing financial difficilties due to an increasing
average age of the population.
Berlusconi has forced through the Parliament an overall constitutional
reform to deepen the current federal form of the State and strengthen
the power of the Prime Minister. This reform is disputed, because it
has been imposed only by pressions of former separatist party Lega
Nord, and without an adequate sharing with the opposition. As of May
2005, the reform has been approved by the Parliament and is in wait for
the 2nd approval.
Other pieces of legislation include:
* the depenalization of fake balance sheets
* the suspension of penal trials for high
constitution authorities during their terms (this law has been declared
unconstitutional)
Controversy
Berlusconi is a controversial figure at times. In one widely reported
incident, upon being asked how he would have dealt with his conflict of
interests by the German member of the European parliament Martin Schulz
(SPD) during Italy's presidency, Berlusconi reacted with the words "Mr.
Schulz, I know there is a producer in Italy who is making a film on the
Nazi concentration camps. I will suggest you for the role of Capo.
You'd be perfect." The reference to the Nazis caused an uproar in the
626-seat assembly and a short diplomatic crisis between Italy and
Germany.
On another occasion, he stated that "Mussolini's regime hadn't killed a
single person" and that Mussolini "just used to send opposers on
holiday" thus apparently denying or dismissing a long series of fascist
crimes, from the murder of Giacomo Matteotti to the infamous fascist
concentration camps (Rab, Gonars, etc.). Berlusconi later claimed that
he did not mean to white-wash Mussolini, that he only reacted to a
comparison, which he felt unfair, between the fascist dictator and
Saddam Hussein.
One of Berlusconi's strongest critics in the media outside Italy is the
British weekly The Economist (nicknamed by Berlusconi "The
Ecommunist"). The war of words between Berlusconi and the Economist has
been infamous and widely reported, with Berlusconi taking the
publication to court in Rome and the Economist publishing open letters
against him [7].
In any event, according to The Economist, Berlusconi, in his position
as prime minister of Italy, now has effective control of 90% of all
national television broadcasting. [8] This figure includes stations he
owns directly as well as those he has indirect control of through his
position as Prime Minister and his ability to influence the choice of
the management bodies of these stations.
Berlusconi's extensive control of the media has been linked to claims
that Italy's media shows limited freedom of expression. The Freedom of
the Press 2004 Global Survey, an annual study issued by the American
organization Freedom House, downgraded Italy's ranking from 'Free' to
'Partly Free' [9] on the basis of Berlusconi's influence over RAI, a
ranking which, in "Western Europe" was shared only with Turkey (2005).
Reporters Without Borders states that in 2004, "The conflict of
interests involving prime minister Silvio Berlusconi and his vast media
empire was still not resolved and continued to threaten news
diversity".[10] In April 2004, the International Federation of
Journalists joined the criticism, objecting to the passage of a law
vetoed by Carlo Azeglio Ciampi in 2003, which critics believe is
designed to protect Berlusconi's alleged 90% control of national media.
[11]
Berlusconi's influence over RAI became evident when in Sofia he
expressed his views on the journalists Enzo Biagi, Michele Santoro
[12], and comedian Daniele Luttazzi after his satiric behaviour and his
interview with journalist Marco Travaglio. The four never appeared in
any TV shows since then. Left-winged politicians and media refers to
this episode as the Sofia Diktat. The TV broadcasting of a satirical
program called RAIOT was censored in November 2003 after the comedian
Sabina Guzzanti made outspoken criticism of Berlusconi media
empire[13]. Mediaset, one of Berlusconi's companies, sued the Italian
state broadcasting company RAI because of Guzzanti show asking 20
million Euro for "damages" and from November 2003 she was forced to
appear only in theatres around Italy.
In response to such claims, Mediaset, Berlusconi's television group,
has stated that it uses the same criteria as the public (state-owned)
television RAI in assigning a proper visibility to all the most
important political parties and movements (the so-called 'Par
Condicio'). It is also true that while the distribution of newspapers
in Italy is lower than most other European countries (100 copies per
1000 individuals compared to 500 per 1000 in Scandinavian countries,
for example [14]), the majority of national press, which includes the
three italian largest printed dailies, La Repubblica, Il Corriere della
Sera and La Stampa, tends to report independently of the Berlusconi
government or (in the case of La Repubblica, among the three major
newspapers cited above) to be very openly critic of it. Yet the
resignations of the director of Corriere della Sera, Ferruccio de
Bortoli, were seen as a grasp for more media control from the
government. In fact the FNSI, the Trade Union for Italian Journalists,
organized a three days long strike to show support to the former
director of the newspaper.
The conflict of interest issues can be better understood in the context
of the structure of control of the state media. The board of directors
of RAI is appointed by both presidents of law-makers' chambers (Senate
and Deputies). Although the presidents are chosen by the majority
group, they are traditionally chosen in order to be acceptable by the
opposition too. As of 2005 these positions are occupied by Marcello
Pera and Pierferdinando Casini respectively. The Italian parliament
established an oversight commission for radio and TV broadcasting
services in 1975, including members of all parties. The chairman of
this commission is traditionally a representative of the opposition (at
the present time a member of DS-Ulivo party). [15]
Legal investigations of Berlusconi
Silvio Berlusconi undoubtedly has a rather long record of judicial
trials, as several crimes have been alleged to him or his firms (see
also the following subsection on Berlusconi's trials), including false
accounting, tax fraud, corruption and bribery of police officers and
judges. Some of Berlusconi's close collaborators, friends and firm
managers have been found guilty of related crimes, notably his younger
brother, Paolo, who in 2002 accepted to pay 52 million euros as a plea
bargain to local authorities for various charges including corruption
and undue appropriation17. However, no definitive conviction sentence
has ever been issued on Silvio Berlusconi himself for any of the trials
which have concluded so far; in some cases he has been fully acquitted
of the alleged charges, in others he has been acquitted with dubitative
formula (not proven), or he was acquitted because the statute of
limitations expired before a definitive sentence could be issued; in
one case a previously granted amnesty extinguished the crime (perjury)
before the sentence came into effect. The Italian legal system allows
the statute of limitations to continue to run during the course of the
trial. Consequently, the dilatory tactics adopted by Berlusconi's
attorneys (including repeated motions for change of venue) served to
nullify the pending charges.
Some of the suspects on Berlusconi's person arise from real or
perceived blank spots in his past. Notably, in 1981 a scandal arose on
the discovery by the police of Licio Gelli's secret freemasonry lodge
(Propaganda Due, or P2) aiming to move the Italian political system in
an authoritarian direction to oppose communism. A list of names was
found of adherents of P2, which included members of the secret services
and some prominent personalities from the political, industrial,
military and press elite, among which Silvio Berlusconi, who was just
starting to gain popularity as the founder and owner of "Canale 5" TV
network. The P2 lodge was dissolved by the Italian parliament in
december 1981 and a law was passed declaring similar organizations
illegal, but no specific crimes were alleged to individual members of
P2. Berlusconi later (1989) sued for libel three journalists who had
written an article hinting at his involvement in financiary crimes and
in this occasion he declared in court that he had joined the P2 lodge
"only a very short time before the scandal broke" and "he had not even
paid the entry fee". Such statements, however, conflicted with the
findings of the parliamentary commission appointed to investigate the
lodge's activity, with material evidence, and even with previous
testimony of Berlusconi, all of which showing that he had actually been
a member of P2 since 1978 and had indeed paid a 100,000 Italian liras
entry fee. Because of this he was indicted for perjury, but the crime
was extinguished by the 1989 amnesty.
Berlusconi's career as an entrepreneur is also often questioned by his
detractors. The allegations made against him generally include suspects
about the extremely fast increase of his activity as a constructon
entrepreneur in years 1961-63, hinting at the possibility that in those
years he received money from unknown and possibly illegal sources.
These accusations are regarded by Berlusconi and his supporters as
empty slander, trying to undermine Berlusconi's reputation of a
self-made man. Frequently cited by opponents are also events dating to
the 1980s, including supposed "favor exchanges" between Berlusconi and
the former prime minister Bettino Craxi, indicted in 1990-91 for
various corruption charges; and even possible connections to the
Italian Mafia, the latter accusations arising mostly from the curious
circumstance that he employed for two years, as a stableman in his
Arcore villa, the wanted mafia boss Vittorio Mangano4. Berlusconi
acknowledges a personal friendship only to Craxi, and of course denies
any ties to the Mafia, stating that he was absolutely not aware of who
Mangano really was when he employed him. Heated debate on this issue
was recently (2004) triggered again when a Forza Italia senator and
long time friend of Berlusconi, Marcello Dell'Utri, was sentenced to 9
years by the Palermo court on charge of "external association to the
Mafia" 5, a sentence on which Berlusconi refused to comment.
On some occasions, which raised a strong upheaval in the Italian
political opposition, laws passed by the Berlusconi administration have
effectively delayed ongoing trials on him, allowing the statute of
limitations to expire, or stopped them entirely. Relevant examples are
the law reducing punishment for all cases of false accounting; the new
law on international rogatories, which made his Swiss bank records
unusable in court against him 6; the law on legitimate suspicion, which
allowed defendants to request their cases to be moved to another court
if they believe that the local judges are biased against them 7,8; and
most importantly the lodo Maccanico law, passed in June 2003, which
granted the highest five state officers, including the Prime Minister,
immunity from prosecution while in office2. This law froze Berlusconi's
position in the SME-Ariosto trial in which he was accused of having
corrupted judges in previous legal rulings regarding his partecipation
in the public auction of the state-owned food company SME in the 1980s.
However, the trial was not frozen for other defendants, and the former
lawyer of Berlusconi's main firm (Fininvest) and former Italian defence
minister, Cesare Previti, was sentenced to 5 years although the crime
was reduced from corruption of judges to simple corruption 9,10. In
January 2004 the Lodo Maccanico was nullified by the Constitutional
court as it was ruled to be in conflict with the Italian constitution.
Subsequently Berlusconi has declared his intent to re-introduce the law
using the correct procedure for constitutional modification. Because of
these legislative acts, political opposers accuse Berlusconi of passing
ad personam laws, to protect himself from legal charges; Berlusconi and
his allies, on the other hand, mantain that such laws are consistent
with everyone's right to a rapid and just trial, and with the principle
of presumption of innocence (garantismo); furthermore, they claim that
Berlusconi is subject to a judiciary persecution, a political witch
hunt orchestrated by politicized (left-wing) judges 11.
For such reasons, Berlusconi and his government have an ongoing quarrel
with the Italian judiciary, which reached its peak in 2003 when
Berlusconi commented to a foreign journalist that judges are "mentally
disturbed" and "anthropologically different from the rest of the human
race", remarks that he later claimed he meant to be directed to
specific judges only, and of a humorous nature12. More seriously, the
Berlusconi administration has long been planning a judiciary reform
intended to limit the arbitrarine
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